Fiscal Stewardship and Defense Transformation
Gao ID: GAO-07-600CG March 8, 2007
This speech was given by the Comptroller General before the United States Naval Academy's National Security Economics Seminar in Annapolis, MD, on March 8, 2007. The truth is our country faces not one but four interrelated deficits. Together, these deficits have serious implications for our future role in the world, our future standard of living, our future domestic tranquility, and even our future national security. The first is the federal budget deficit. Thanks to a combination of out-of-control federal spending, several major tax cuts, and expired budget controls, federal budget deficits have returned with a vengeance. Depending on which accounting method you use, the federal deficit last year ranged from $248 billion to $450 billion. The second deficit is our savings deficit. The savings rate among U.S. consumers has been falling for some time. In 2005, for the first time since 1933, the annual personal savings rate in this country reached negative territory. The savings deficit was even greater in 2006. We've returned to savings levels not seen since the depths of the Great Depression. In fact, America has among the lowest overall savings rates of any major industrialized nation. America's third deficit is our balance-of-payments deficit. America is simply spending more than it's producing. Finally, there's America's leadership deficit, which is probably the most serious and sobering of all. At both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue and on both sides of the political aisle, we need leaders who will face the facts, speak the truth, work together, and make tough choices. We also need leadership from our state capitols and city halls, from businesses, colleges and universities, charities, think tanks, the military, and the media. So far, there have been too few calls for fundamental change and shared sacrifice. Right now, some parts of the defense budget, especially military health care costs, are out of control. This simply isn't sustainable. Defense transformation can help ensure a more positive future. Beyond defense transformation, our nation needs to take steps to return us to a more prudent and sustainable fiscal path. By nature, I'm an optimist and a person of action. I don't believe in simply stating a problem. I also think it's important to state a possible way forward Citizen education and public engagement are also essential. The American people need to become more informed and involved when it comes to the problems facing our country. They also need to become more vocal in demanding change. Younger Americans like you need to speak up because you and your children will ultimately pay the price and bear the burden if today's leaders fail to act.
While these annual deficit numbers get a lot of press coverage, it's the federal government's mounting liabilities and unfunded commitments that pose the real threat. In the last six years, the estimated total of these accumulating burdens has soared from about $20 trillion to about $50 trillion, primarily due to an increase in unfunded obligations associated with Medicare. Clearly, many Americans, like their federal government, are living beyond their means. This trend is particularly alarming in an aging society like ours. And given the problems plaguing our public and private retirement systems, personal investments will be even more critical to your retirement planning. While our own savings rates have plummeted, overseas savings rates have not. Overseas money has been pouring into the United States. Thanks to the high savings rates in China, Japan, Korea, and elsewhere, it's been relatively cheap for Americans to borrow. But there's a catch, and it's a big one. Increasingly, we're eating our seed corn and mortgaging our future. Imagine what would happen to interest rates if some of these investors suddenly cut back on their appetite for U.S. Treasury notes. Just six years ago, we were on a path of fiscal sustainability for well over 40 years. Today, based on reasonable assumptions, GAO's simulation model suggests that we will face major economic challenges well before that time. If we continue as we have, policymakers will eventually have to raise taxes significantly or slash government services the American people depend on and take for granted. Looking ahead, unless we change course, all federal departments, including the Navy, will face increasing budget pressures. If I were giving out grades, the Defense Department would get a "D" on the business side. Simply put, the Defense Department wastes billions of dollars every year that could be used to boost readiness, improve the quality of life of our military, and mitigate new and emerging security threats. GAO regularly updates its High-Risk List of government areas that are especially vulnerable to waste, fraud, abuse, and mismanagement or in need of fundamental transformation. DOD directly or indirectly owns 15 of the 27 high-risk areas. Many of them involve basic business processes, including contracting, financial management, weapons acquisition, and human capital strategy. This last issue--human capital--is extremely important. After all, any organization, including the military, is only as good as its people. As future budgets tighten, DOD will need to get leaner organizationally and work smarter and faster operationally. Weak program management and inadequate oversight have contributed to the problem. At DOD, greater accountability requires a fundamental cultural transformation that's based on two-way communication and continuous improvement. We need nothing less than a top-to-bottom review of federal programs and policies. Congress and the President need to decide which of these activities remain priorities, which should be overhauled, and which have simply outlived their usefulness. America is a great nation, probably the greatest in history. But if we want to stay great, we have to face facts, recognize reality, heed the lessons of history, and make needed changes.
GAO-07-600CG, Fiscal Stewardship and Defense Transformation
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Presentation by the Honorable David M. Walker:
Comptroller General of the United States:
Fiscal Stewardship and Defense Transformation:
Speech before the United States Naval Academy:
Annapolis, Maryland:
March 8, 2007:
United States Government Accountability Office:
GAO-07-600CG:
I'm delighted to be here this morning to participate in the Naval
Academy's National Security Economics Seminar.
When I look around this room, I'm reminded of my son Andy. He's just a
few years older than most of you here today. Andy was a midshipman at
Villanova, and he graduated from their NROTC program. Andy served as a
Marine Corps officer for six years, including a tour in Iraq. My wife,
Mary, and I are very proud of him, as I'm sure your parents are proud
of each of you.
I'm also reminded of other family members and the life I might have
had. My mother's first cousin graduated from Annapolis and was an all-
American tailback for Navy. His name was Bobby Tom Jenkins, or "Trigger
Tom," as he was known at Annapolis. And my Dad was in the Navy for two
years. Both of them were a big influence on my decision in high school
to pursue a military career.
In fact, during my senior year of high school, I received congressional
appointments to both the Air Force Academy and Annapolis. I had dreams
of becoming a Marine pilot, maybe even an astronaut. Unfortunately, a
hearing loss in my left ear derailed those plans. It was a very big
disappointment at the time. But in life, it's better to focus on the
future rather than dwell on the past.
After all, in the end, I still ended up a general: the Comptroller
General of the United States. And while there are lots of generals and
admirals in the military, there's only one Comptroller General of the
United States. And you're looking at him.
At my core, I'm a very patriotic person. I expect all of you are as
well. I'm also a member of the Sons of the American Revolution. Some of
my ancestors fought and died in the American Revolution. As a result, I
take a great deal of interest in our nation's proud history and
military might. All of you have my admiration and respect for your
decision to serve our country.
Today, I'm going to focus on the state of our nation's finances--in
both the short and the long term. This subject was highlighted on CBS'
60 Minutes program this past Sunday evening. As Navy midshipmen, you're
probably wondering what that has to do with you. But the fact is the
fiscal choices our public officials make today will determine how our
government looks in the future. This includes the Defense Department
(DOD), the United States Navy, and the United States Marine Corps.
The United States is a great nation. However, we face a range of
serious sustainability challenges on several fronts, from fiscal policy
to foreign policy, from homeland security to health care, from Iraq to
immigration, and from education and energy production to environmental
protection. Our country is now the world's largest debtor nation. And
our mounting debt is undermining our ability to deal with a range of
current and emerging challenges in the 21st century. Our mounting debt
is also mortgaging the future of younger Americans like each of you.
On the surface, things seem to be going fine for now. We have steady
economic growth, low employment, moderate inflation, relatively low
interest rates, and, for the most part, strong capital markets. Our
overall standard of living remains exceptionally high. Compared to most
nations, the United States ranks high on measures like personal income,
literacy, and home ownership, to name a few.
We're currently the world's only superpower. And while our system of
government is sometimes frustrating and dysfunctional, it's still the
best on earth. Clearly, we Americans have much to be proud of and much
to be thankful for.
But unless we make significant changes soon, America may look very
different in the future. With the looming retirement of the baby
boomers, spiraling health care costs, and plummeting personal savings
rates, we face unprecedented fiscal risks in the years ahead. The facts
on this aren't in dispute. If we stay on our present path, the United
States faces a prolonged period of debt and decline. We must not allow
this to happen! It will, however, take leadership and bipartisan action
to make these tough choices.
The powerful trends I just mentioned are building silently offshore,
not unlike a tsunami. We're not in any immediate fiscal danger, but a
tidal wave of Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid spending is
headed our way. It's time to stop partying on the beach and start
preparing for the deluge. If we don't, our ship of state could be
swamped. The difficulty is convincing elected officials and the public
that the time to act is now, while there's still no immediate crisis.
America's Four Deficits:
Now, let me tell you what's going on with the deficits in Washington
and why you need to care. The truth is our country faces not one but
four interrelated deficits. Together, these deficits have serious
implications for our future role in the world, our future standard of
living, our future domestic tranquility, and even our future national
security.
The first is the federal budget deficit. Thanks to a combination of out-
of-control federal spending, several major tax cuts, and expired budget
controls, federal budget deficits have returned with a vengeance.
Depending on which accounting method you use, the federal deficit last
year ranged from $248 billion to $450 billion. The $248 billion number
reflects the unified budget deficit--net of the Social Security
surplus--which is the most commonly reported measure. This largely cash-
based figure represents the difference between revenues and outlays for
the government as a whole in a given year.
But it you look at the net operating cost of the federal government on
an accrual basis, which is how companies report, you get a deficit of
$450 billion. This number is more useful and, I would suggest, more
realistic. Among other things, this number excludes the Social Security
surpluses.
While these annual deficit numbers get a lot of press coverage, it's
the federal government's mounting liabilities and unfunded commitments
that pose the real threat. I'm talking about things like unfunded
Social Security and Medicare benefits. In the last six years, the
estimated total of these accumulating burdens has soared from about $20
trillion to about $50 trillion, primarily due to an increase in
unfunded obligations associated with Medicare.
Fifty trillion dollars translates into an IOU of about $440,000 for
every American household. Keep in mind that the median household income
in this country is less than $50,000 a year. For the typical family,
it's like having a mortgage that's 9½ times their annual income. And
that mortgage doesn't even come with a house! This burden is outpacing
the net worth of most Americans and the growth rate of our economy.
The second deficit is our savings deficit. The savings rate among U.S.
consumers has been falling for some time. In 2005, for the first time
since 1933, the annual personal savings rate in this country reached
negative territory. The savings deficit was even greater in 2006. We've
returned to savings levels not seen since the depths of the Great
Depression. In fact, America has among the lowest overall savings rates
of any major industrialized nation.
Clearly, many Americans, like their federal government, are living
beyond their means. This trend is particularly alarming in an aging
society like ours. Obviously, those people who save more will live
better in retirement. And given the problems plaguing our public and
private retirement systems, personal investments will be even more
critical to your retirement planning.
So if we aren't saving here at home, who's been underwriting our recent
national spending spree? The answer is foreign players. And that brings
me to America's third deficit: our balance-of-payments deficit. America
is simply spending more than it's producing. As you've probably learned
in economics classes here at the Academy, large government deficits
translate into large trade deficits as well as a weakened dollar. So,
it shouldn't surprise you that in 2006, our trade deficit hit a record
$763 billion and the value of the dollar has in fact declined.
While our own savings rates have plummeted, overseas savings rates have
not. Overseas money has been pouring into the United States. Thanks to
the high savings rates in China, Japan, Korea, and elsewhere, it's been
relatively cheap for Americans to borrow. But there's a catch, and it's
a big one. Increasingly, we're eating our seed corn and mortgaging our
future. Furthermore, some of our leading lenders may not share our long-
term national interests. Imagine what would happen to interest rates if
some of these investors suddenly cut back on their appetite for U.S.
Treasury notes.
Finally, there's America's leadership deficit, which is probably the
most serious and sobering of all. At both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue
and on both sides of the political aisle, we need leaders who will face
the facts, speak the truth, work together, and make tough choices. We
also need leadership from our state capitols and city halls, from
businesses, colleges and universities, charities, think tanks, the
military, and the media. So far, there have been too few calls for
fundamental change and shared sacrifice.
Back in 1966, discretionary spending, which includes defense,
represented two-thirds of federal spending. Last year, it was 38
percent and declining. In 1966, defense represented 43 percent of the
total federal spending. Last year, it was 20 percent, including the
current costs for our operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. [See slide
#1, page 13]
Long-range simulations from my agency, the U.S. Government
Accountability Office (GAO), are chilling. Just six years ago, we were
on a path of fiscal sustainability for well over 40 years. [See slide
#2, page 14]. Today, based on reasonable assumptions, GAO's simulation
model suggests that we will face major economic challenges well before
that time. In fact, the simulation model crashes in a little over 40
years. [See slide #3, page 15].
If we continue as we have, policymakers will eventually have to raise
taxes significantly or slash government services the American people
depend on and take for granted. Just pick a program--student loans, the
interstate highway system, our national parks, federal law enforcement
programs, and even our armed forces.
The meaning is clear: a crunch is coming. Looking ahead, unless we
change course, all federal departments, including the Navy, will face
increasing budget pressures. No agency or program can or should count
on receiving a blank check with little or no questions asked--even in a
time of "war."
We simply cannot make decisions on national security without
reexamining and transforming our military and defense operations in
light of 21st century realities. This requires long-term planning,
improved internal controls, and added emphasis on transparency and
accountability--particularly when it comes to defense acquisitions and
contracting. As Pentagon budgets begin to flatten, there will be
increasing pressure to make better use of appropriated funds. Spending
more money is not always the answer. The real question is, how can we
spend our money more efficiently and wisely to achieve the desired
outcomes? [See slide #4, page 16].
Defense Transformation:
Most of you here are just beginning your careers in the Navy. But as
Navy and Marine Corps officers, some of you will be senior military or
civilian leaders in the future. For your generation, squeezed budgets
are going to be a fact of life. It won't be easy, but here are some
thoughts on how to deal with this emerging reality.
Right now, some parts of the defense budget, especially military health
care costs, are out of control. This simply isn't sustainable.
Defense transformation can help ensure a more positive future. What do
I mean by defense transformation? In a nutshell, I'm taking about a
Defense Department that maximizes value and mitigates risk in
connection with real national security threats within current and
expected resource levels.
I've said this before, and I'll say it again: We have the best military
forces on earth. No one else is even close.
However, when it comes to economy, efficiency, transparency, and
accountability, it's a very different story. If I were giving out
grades, the Defense Department would get a "D" on the business side.
Why? Simply put, the Defense Department wastes billions of dollars
every year that could be used to boost readiness, improve the quality
of life of our military, and mitigate new and emerging security
threats.
Unlike fraud and abuse, waste doesn't necessarily involve a violation
of the law. It's more about getting poor value for the money, usually
because of mismanagement, poor judgment, inappropriate directions, a
failure to act, or weak oversight.
GAO regularly updates its High-Risk List of government areas that are
especially vulnerable to waste, fraud, abuse, and mismanagement or in
need of fundamental transformation. In January, we issued our latest
High-Risk List, which flags 27 key trouble spots across government.
These areas range from federal oversight of food safety, to
modernization of the air traffic control system, to a range of defense
related issues. Over the years, GAO has removed several areas from the
list. Unfortunately, a number of areas have been on the list since GAO
first issued it back in 1990.
Significantly, the Defense Department continues to dominate GAO's High-
Risk List. DOD directly or indirectly owns 15 of the 27 high-risk
areas. Many of them involve basic business processes, including
contracting, financial management, weapons acquisition, and human
capital strategy. This last issue--human capital--is extremely
important. After all, any organization, including the military, is only
as good as its people.
Let's face it, if the military can't reliably attract, motivate, and
retain a high-quality workforce, nothing else matters. After all, its
not just superior equipment or technology that gives us the edge on the
battlefield. It's the people who represent our nation's "total force"
that are our real competitive advantage. At DOD, this includes not just
military personnel but also civilian employees and contractors.
When it comes to the war on terrorism, the President has asked our
forces to do a job, and they've done it with courage and conviction.
Notwithstanding their noble efforts, our military has sustained more
than 3,000 deaths and over 20,000 wounded. We're also seeing
significant wear and tear on our military equipment and growing
replacement costs. The stress and strain on American forces and
equipment has reduced our overall readiness and the availability of
reserve personnel.
The Navy and the other services face growing personnel challenges.
Given the many demands now being placed on our armed forces, concerns
have been raised about our state of readiness, the long-term viability
of our all-volunteer force, and the sustainability of the current
business model for the guard and reserves. The increasing demands have
also caused the government to use military personnel and contractors--
particularly in Iraq--in unprecedented ways, some of which may not make
sense. The time has come to review and reconsider the role of
contractors and how best to contract with, compensate, and oversee
them.
As future budgets tighten, DOD will need to get leaner organizationally
and work smarter and faster operationally. In many cases, this will
require a fundamental rethinking of how the Pentagon is organized and
does business. Transforming basic processes and procedures, flattening
organizations, cracking hardened silos, and transcending cultural
barriers will be essential, not just for DOD but for the entire federal
government.
One key area DOD needs to overhaul is its acquisitions process. The
sheer cost of new weapons on the drawing board and in production is
breathtaking. DOD is now in the midst of a vast effort to modernize and
transform its military operations and platforms. DOD currently has
plans to invest nearly $1.5 trillion in new weapons systems.
As we all know, cost overruns on military contracts are nothing new.
But what's so alarming today is the frequency and magnitude of cost
overruns. Some major projects are as much as 50 percent over budget and
years behind schedule.
In this environment, even modest cost overruns can be incredibly
expensive. For example, let's assume there's 10 percent cost growth on
the Pentagon's planned investment budget for new weapons. While 10
percent cost growth may be a somewhat conservative estimate, on $1.5
trillion, it represents an additional $150 billion.
So what does $150 billion buy you? With $150 billion, we could run the
Department of Justice, including the FBI and the entire federal prison
system, for the next six years. With $150 billion, we could fund the
Head Start program for 22 years. With $150 billion, we could have paid
for the entire Apollo space program and still had money left over.
Alternatively, $150 billion would buy the military another 1,700 F-18
Super Hornets, or 300 littoral combat ships, or about 60 Virginia-class
submarines. Put another way, all active duty personnel in the Navy,
including midshipmen, could get a onetime bonus of $437,000. Don't get
excited, that bonus is theoretical, not reality.
Sometimes, the Pentagon buys what some want rather than what we need.
For example, some weapons are critical to achieving the military's
objectives. But others are more of a wish list of the latest and
greatest technology. And as budgets grow tighter, the military is going
to have to distinguish unlimited wants from true needs based on
credible current and future threats. In addition, DOD will also have to
consider which platforms and initiatives are both affordable and
sustainable over time. Candidly, Congress sometimes contributes to
these dual challenges through earmarks or other actions. As a result,
many parties need to change their behavior as we move forward to create
a better future.
All too frequently, the Pentagon rushes into the production of weapons
systems with unproven technology. Time and again, we've seen this risky
strategy backfire, with the military forced to retrofit planes, tanks,
and ships at great expense. This results in wasted money that could
have been used to meet real needs.
All too often, government workers aren't held accountable for unethical
or unsuccessful actions. Similarly, contractors rarely pay a price for
poor outcomes. In fact, they sometimes get rewarded. For example,
contractors on the F-22 A fighter jet received more than 90 percent of
eligible performance bonuses despite being way over budget and behind
schedule. Bonuses like this don't pass the straight face test and must
stop.
Weak program management and inadequate oversight have contributed to
the problem. Too often, military officials have too little authority
over specific weapon systems. There's also been frequent turnover among
key program managers. Furthermore, a recent GAO report found that the
Pentagon now has 40 percent fewer staff devoted to weapons acquisition
and oversight than it did in 1989.
Currently, there's too little coordination among the armed forces when
it comes to planning, budgeting, and execution. Candidly, the program
planning and acquisition processes haven't caught up with the
military's joint, or purple, approach to fighting wars.
The truth is, costly Cold War weapons often don't work as well against
the type of asymmetric threats we're seeing in Iraq and Afghanistan.
When you're dealing with IEDs, snipers, and suicide bombers, you need
equipment like body armor and heavily reinforced vehicles.
Unfortunately, this isn't necessarily where the taxpayers' money has
been going.
Changing how the military does business will require a difficult
cultural transformation and a number of basic organizational and
operational changes. Much of government today is too hierarchical,
process oriented, siloed, and self-absorbed. Government must become
flatter, more results focused, more partnership oriented, and more
externally aware. Frankly, we faced this challenge at GAO, and we
addressed it head on and with success.
I think several major, complex, and challenged federal agencies would
benefit greatly from having a person on point to help lead the overall
business transformation efforts. Lately, I've been urging the
establishment of a chief management officer (CMO) at selected major
federal departments, including DOD. This individual could help
introduce a more strategic and integrated approach to key business
transformation challenges.
And I want to make a key point here: Throughout the government,
including the military, there's far too little accountability for
mismanagement and poor judgment. The outrageous situation at Walter
Reed brought this point home in very human terms. To treat our
returning heroes this way is simply a disgrace. Candidly, the type of
accountability that we are now seeing in connection with Walter Reed is
a rare exception rather than the rule.
But it's also important to hold DOD accountable on other measures,
particularly efficiency and effectiveness. It's not acceptable to pay
for something that's not delivered. It's not acceptable when you don't
get what you've been promised. It's not acceptable to spend funds
without regard to price or value. It's not acceptable to duplicate
projects that are being undertaken elsewhere within the same
department.
Average citizens should have confidence that their taxpayer dollars are
being spent wisely. Wasted funds not only undermine our ability to meet
real needs. Wasted funds also undermine public trust and confidence in
government.
At DOD, greater accountability requires a fundamental cultural
transformation that's based on two-way communication and continuous
improvement. After all, you can learn a lot by listening. That doesn't
mean you should just follow popular opinion. As President Harry Truman
once asked, "How far would Moses have gone if he had taken a poll in
Egypt?" Nonetheless, I think the Navy and the other services would
benefit from more feedback from all levels.
In the final analysis, defense transformation depends on having a
compelling vision coupled with strong and sustained leadership. It also
requires employing a more strategic, forward-looking, integrated, and
results-oriented approach to addressing a range of current and emerging
military challenges within current and expected resource levels. At DOD
and elsewhere in government, bad habits can be overcome. But it's going
to take a concerted effort by many players over many years before we
can achieve real and sustainable success.
A Fiscal Way Forward:
Beyond defense transformation, our nation needs to take steps to return
us to a more prudent and sustainable fiscal path. By nature, I'm an
optimist and a person of action. I don't believe in simply stating a
problem. I also think it's important to state a possible way forward:
In my view, the first order of business should be to state the facts
and speak the truth to the American people. For starters, Washington
needs to improve transparency in its financial reporting and budgeting
practices. As the federal official who signs the audit report on the
government's financial statements, I'm here to tell you our
government's financial condition is worse than advertised.
Current federal financial reporting and budgeting provides policymakers
and the public with an incomplete and even a misleading picture. A lot
of press coverage focuses on year-to-year deficit numbers. And as I
mentioned earlier, no matter which number you pick, our current and
projected deficit levels are both big and bad.
We've all heard the rhetoric. We'll be just fine if we can just get rid
of congressional earmarks, foreign aid, or NASA missions back to the
moon and on to Mars. Similar arguments are being made for eliminating
the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts. But candidly, these actions won't get the
job done. In fact, even shutting down the entire Department of Defense
wouldn't come close to closing our long-range fiscal gap.
We aren't going to close our fiscal gap through strong economic growth,
massive spending cuts, or huge tax increases. The gap is simply too
great, and the math and politics just don't work.
It's essential that we impose meaningful budget controls on both the
tax and the spending sides of the ledger. These controls should apply
to both discretionary and mandatory spending. Additional reforms are
needed in connection with congressional earmarks, emergency
appropriations, and supplemental spending.
Members of Congress need more explicit information on the long-term
costs of spending and tax bills--before they vote on them. The Medicare
prescription drug benefit passed in 2003 is one of the most expensive
government entitlement programs of all time. It's also a glaring
example of what's wrong with the current legislative process. The
Medicare prescription drug bill came with an $8 trillion price tag, but
that fact wasn't disclosed until after the bill was passed and signed
into law.
We also need to reconsider the current scope and structure of the
federal government. Today, about 62 percent of federal spending and
most tax preferences are on autopilot and based on conditions that
existed before most of you were born. I'm talking about conditions
dating back to when Harry Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, and John Kennedy
were in the White House.
Once federal programs or agencies are created, the tendency is to fund
them in perpetuity, regardless of changing needs and circumstances.
This is what I mean when I say our government is on autopilot.
Washington rarely seems to question the wisdom of its existing programs
and politics. We simply add new programs and initiatives on top of the
old ones. As President Ronald Reagan once quipped, a government program
is "the nearest thing to eternal life we'll ever see on this earth."
This is a key reason our government has grown so large and is so
expensive.
American families regularly clean out their closets and attics. Surplus
items are either sold at yard sales or given to charity. Unfortunately,
when it comes to federal programs and policies, our government has
never undertaken an equivalent spring cleaning. When our government
does finally do a spring cleaning, I wouldn't recommend following the
Pentagon's lead. GAO reports have found that DOD has a problem with
selling existing inventory for pennies on the dollar while buying more
of the same items at full price.
We need nothing less than a top-to-bottom review of federal programs
and policies. Congress and the President need to decide which of these
activities remain priorities, which should be overhauled, and which
have simply outlived their usefulness.
Entitlement reform is especially urgent. Unless we reform Social
Security, Medicare, and Medicaid, these programs will eventually crowd
out all other federal spending, including defense. Based on historical
federal tax levels, by 2040 our government could be doing little more
than sending out Social Security checks and paying interest on our
massive national debt.
Fortunately, concern is growing. Members of Congress on both sides of
the aisle have started asking some pointed questions about where we are
and where we're headed. Even the Administration now acknowledges that
deficits matter. In recent statements, the President has pledged not
just to balance the unified budget by 2012 but also to start tackling
our large and growing unfunded entitlement promises.
To get things moving, a capable and credible bipartisan commission
could address Social Security, tax policy, health care, budget reforms,
and other key areas. Such a commission would be well positioned to send
the President and Congress a balanced package of reforms that could
lead to legislation. I'm not talking about reinventing the wheel.
Instead, the commission could draw on the work of earlier commissions,
existing groups, and prominent individuals. The commission could be
created statutorily. Or, alternatively, such a commission could be
independent of the political process. At a minimum, the commission's
efforts would spur more informed debate going into the 2008 election
cycle.
Citizen Education and Engagement:
Citizen education and public engagement are also essential. The
American people need to become more informed and involved when it comes
to the problems facing our country. They also need to become more vocal
in demanding change. Younger Americans like you need to speak up
because you and your children will ultimately pay the price and bear
the burden if today's leaders fail to act.
The good news is younger Americans turned out in large numbers for
November's mid-term election. From Iraq to immigration, from ethical
lapses to management failures and fiscal irresponsibility, the public's
dissatisfaction with the status quo was abundantly clear. But looking
toward 2008, it's essential that the public and the press hold
candidates accountable for their position on our large and growing
fiscal and other sustainability challenges.
This is why I and others have been speaking out publicly about our
nation's worsening financial condition and long-term fiscal outlook.
Beginning in the fall of 2005, I started going on the road with
representatives of the Concord Coalition, the Brookings Institution,
and the Heritage Foundation as part of a "Fiscal Wake-up Tour." So far,
we've held town-hall meetings at colleges and universities and other
public venues in 19 cities across the country. Depending upon which
panel discussion you choose to join later today, you may be hearing
from some of these other tour participants.
During the tour, I've found that the American people are hungry for two
things: truth and leadership. The folks on Main Street are tired of
spin. They just want some straight talk about what's going on and
they're looking for results not rhetoric. They also want public
officials with the courage to lead change and who are willing to
partner with others on a bipartisan basis to solve problems.
On this score, it doesn't matter whether you're a Democrat, a
Republican, or an Independent. The problems I've been describing aren't
partisan in nature, and the solutions won't be either. We need ideas
and proposals that will appeal to the "sensible center" rather than the
"ideological extremes" on the left and the right.
In my view, successful leadership today requires several attributes,
including courage, integrity, and creativity. We need leaders with the
courage to speak the truth and do the right thing, even if it isn't
easy or popular. We need leaders who have the integrity to lead by
example and practice what they preach. Leaders who do what's right
rather than what's merely permissible under the law. We also need
leaders who are creative people, who can see new ways to solve old
problems, who will partner for progress, and who can help others see
the way forward.
A commitment to stewardship is also essential. Successful leaders also
need to take a long-term view. We've had a tradition in this country of
trying to leave things not just better off but better positioned for
future generations. The people who built our great country and this
magnificent institution understood that. It's called stewardship. More
leaders today need to realize that we can't just live for the day. We
also need to prepare for a better tomorrow.
Three countries with challenges similar to ours--Australia, Canada, and
New Zealand--have had the courage to make tough choices. Like the
United States, they have aging populations. Unlike the United States,
these three countries have stepped up to the plate and dealt with some
of their long-term challenges. Among other things, they've reformed
their social insurance programs. The efforts by policymakers in these
three countries show that it is politically possible to make difficult
decisions that require short-term pain in the interest of long-term
gain.
America is a great nation, probably the greatest in history. But if we
want to stay great, we have to face facts, recognize reality, heed the
lessons of history, and make needed changes. I think there are some
important parallels between American's current situation and another
great power from the past: Rome. The Roman Empire lasted a thousand
years, but only about half that time as a republic. The Roman Republic
fell for many reasons, but three reasons are worth remembering:
declining moral values and political civility at home, an overconfident
and overextended military in distant lands, and fiscal irresponsibility
by the central government. Sound familiar? In my view, it's time we
learned from history and took steps to ensure the American Republic
stands the test of time.
Please don't misunderstand my message this morning. Things are far from
hopeless. Yes, it's going to take some tough choices on a range of
important issues. But I'm convinced America can and ultimately will
rise to the challenge, just as we did during World War II and other
difficult times in our past. Meaningful action can put us on the path
toward a more positive future, one with higher economic growth,
reasonable tax levels, a strong defense, sustainable social insurance
programs, greater confidence in government at home, and greater respect
for America abroad.
President Bush still has time to step up to the plate and address our
fiscal and other sustainability challenges. But it's imperative the
next President, whoever he or she may be and whichever party he or she
represents, needs to use the "bully pulpit" of the Oval Office to push
needed reforms. If this happens, we have a real chance to turn things
around, save our future, and keep America great.
In the case of the United States, effective leadership--the kind that
leads to meaningful and lasting change--has to be broad-based. It must
come from the White House and Capitol Hill and it must be bipartisan.
But before that will happen, the three most powerful words in our
Constitution--"we the people"--need to come alive. The American people
need to take more interest in our fiscal challenge. And they need to
make their views known as we head toward the 2008 elections.
In closing, one of my favorite presidents, Theodore Roosevelt, firmly
believed that it was every American's responsibility to be active in
our civic life. Democracy is hard work, but its work worth doing. As TR
once said, "fighting for the right [cause] is the noblest sport the
world affords." I hope that you'll join me in leading by example and
trying to make a positive and lasting difference not just for today,
but also for tomorrow.
Thanks for your attention this morning, and thanks again for your
commitment to serve our country. May God bless you, this institution,
and the United States of America. And now, I'd be happy to answer your
questions.
Composition of Federal Spending:
[See PDF for image] - graphic text
3 pie charts with 5 items each.
1966:
Defense: 43.0%;
Social Security: 15.0%;
Medicare & Medicaid: 1.0%;
Net interest: 7.0%;
All other spending: 34.0%.
1986:
Defense: 28.0%;
Social Security: 20.0%;
Medicare & Medicaid: 10.0%;
Net interest: 14.0%;
All other spending: 29.0%.
2006:
Defense: 20.0%;
Social Security: 21.0%;
Medicare & Medicaid: 19.0%;
Net interest: 9.0%;
All other spending: 32.0%.
Source: Office of Management and Budget.
Note: Numbers may not ass to 100 percent due to rounding.
[End of figure]
Potential Fiscal Outcomes under Baseline Extended (January 2001):
Revenues and Composition of Spending as a Share of GDP:
[See PDF for image] - graphic text:
Line/Stacked Bar combo chart with 4 groups, 1 line (Revenue) and 4 bars
per group.
2005;
Net interest: 0.8%;
Social Security: 4.3%;
Medicare & Medicaid: 3.7%;
All other spending: 8.0%;
Revenue: 20.3%.
2015[A];
Net interest: 0%;
Social Security: 5.1%;
Medicare & Medicaid: 4.9%;
All other spending: 5.6%;
Revenue: 20.4%.
2030[A];
Net interest: 0%;
Social Security: 6.6%;
Medicare & Medicaid: 9.4%;
All other spending: 4.0%;
Revenue: 20.4%.
2040[A];
Net interest: 0%;
Social Security: 6.7%;
Medicare & Medicaid: 9.0%;
All other spending: 4.4%;
Revenue: 20.4%.
Source: GAO's January 2001 analysis.
Notes: Revenue as a share of GDP increases through 2011 due to (1) real
bracket creep, (2) more taxpayers becoming subject to the AMT, and (3)
increased revenue from tax-deferred retirement accounts. After 2011,
revenue as a share of GDP is held constant--implicitly assuming action
to offset the increased revenue from real brackets creep, the AMT, and
tax-deferred retirement accounts.
[A] All other spending is net of offsetting interest receipts.
[End of Figure]
Potential Fiscal Outcomes: Alternative Simulation--Discretionary
Spending Grows with GDP and Expiring Tax Provisions Extended (January
2007): Revenues and Composition of Spending as a Share of GDP:
[See PDF for image] - graphic text:
Line/Stacked Bar combo chart with 4 groups, 1 line (Revenue) and 4 bars
per group.
2006;
Net interest: 1.7%;
Social Security: 4.2%;
Medicare & Medicaid: 3.9%;
All other spending: 10.5%;
Revenue: 18.4%.
2015;
Net interest: 1.3%;
Social Security: 4.6%;
Medicare & Medicaid: 4.9%;
All other spending: 8.0%;
Revenue: 19.9%.
2030;
Net interest: 1.3%;
Social Security: 6.5%;
Medicare & Medicaid: 8.3%;
All other spending: 7.8%;
Revenue: 20.1%.
2040;
Net interest: 3.5%;
Social Security: 7.0%;
Medicare & Medicaid: 10.3%;
All other spending: 7.8%;
Revenue: 20.1%.
Source: GAO's January 2007 analysis.
Notes: AMT exemption amount is retained at the 2006 level through 2017
and expiring tax provisions are extended. After 2017, revenue as a
share of GDP is held constant--implicitly assuming that action is taken
to offset increased revenue from real bracket creep, the AMT, and tax-
deferred retirement accounts.
[End of Figure]
Federal Spending as a Share of GDP 1962-2006:
[See PDF for Image] - graphic text:
Year: 1962;
National Defense: 9.22%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 2.55%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.05%.
Year: 1963;
National Defense: 8.92%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 2.66%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.01%.
Year: 1964;
National Defense: 8.55%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 2.63%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.33%.
Year: 1965;
National Defense: 7.37%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 2.58%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.26%.
Year: 1966;
National Defense: 7.72%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 2.86%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.29%.
Year: 1967;
National Defense: 8.80%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 3.16%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.44%.
Year: 1968;
National Defense: 9.45%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 3.50%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.60%.
Year: 1969;
National Defense: 8.70%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 3.72%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 6.94%.
Year: 1970;
National Defense: 8.07%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 3.87%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.39%.
Year: 1971;
National Defense: 7.30%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 4.25%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.91%.
Year: 1972;
National Defense: 6.72%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 4.43%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 8.43%.
Year: 1973;
National Defense: 5.86%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 4.72%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 8.21%.
Year: 1974;
National Defense: 5.51%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 5.00%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 8.25%.
Year: 1975;
National Defense: 5.54%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 5.41%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 10.35%.
Year: 1976;
National Defense: 5.16%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 5.66%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 10.59%.
Year: 1977;
National Defense: 4.93%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 5.79%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 10.01%.
Year: 1978;
National Defense: 4.71%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 5.74%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 10.24%.
Year: 1979;
National Defense: 4.65%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 5.72%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 9.79%.
Year: 1980;
National Defense: 4.91%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 6.04%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 10.72%.
Year: 1981;
National Defense: 5.16%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 6.40%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 10.65%.
Year: 1982;
National Defense: 5.74%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 6.81%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 10.55%.
Year: 1983;
National Defense: 6.10%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 7.04%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 10.35%.
Year: 1984;
National Defense: 5.92%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 6.66%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 9.60%.
Year: 1985;
National Defense: 6.10%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 6.69%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 10.06%.
Year: 1986;
National Defense: 6.20%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 6.66%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 9.59%.
Year: 1987;
National Defense: 6.10%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 6.67%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 8.87%.
Year: 1988;
National Defense: 5.80%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 6.56%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 8.89%.
Year: 1989;
National Defense: 5.62%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 6.52%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 9.04%.
Year: 1990;
National Defense: 5.22%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 6.76%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 9.87%.
Year: 1991;
National Defense: 4.61%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 7.18%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 10.53%.
Year: 1992;
National Defense: 4.78%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 7.60%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 9.76%.
Year: 1993;
National Defense: 4.43%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 7.77%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 9.24%.
Year: 1994;
National Defense: 4.05%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 7.85%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 9.11%.
Year: 1995;
National Defense: 3.71%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 7.98%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 9.00%.
Year: 1996;
National Defense: 3.45%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 8.01%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 8.83%.
Year: 1997;
National Defense: 3.31%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 7.95%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 8.31%.
Year: 1998;
National Defense: 3.11%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 7.80%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 8.24%.
Year: 1999;
National Defense: 3.01%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 7.55%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 8.10%.
Year: 2000;
National Defense: 3.03%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 7.46%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.93%.
Year: 2001;
National Defense: 3.03%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 7.75%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.74%.
Year: 2002;
National Defense: 3.36%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 8.04%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.98%.
Year: 2003;
National Defense: 3.75%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 8.19%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 8.05%.
Year: 2004;
National Defense: 3.96%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 8.17%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.78%.
Year: 2005;
National Defense: 4.04%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 8.18%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 7.93%.
Year: 2006;
National Defense: 4.00%;
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid: 8.11%;
Other Non-Defense Spending: 8.23%.
Source: OMB.
[End of figure]
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